would put great hope in possibilities of early settlement. The reply to the Manchester Evening Chronicle being Lockout would be disastrous, Amalgamation leaders should be given full negotiating powers, reason, not force should be used and a settlement secured.

The result of the ballot showed 44,193 for negotiations with 90,770 against. Even Mr. Naesmith in the 'Daily Herald', February 27th of that year was reported as saying That had the issue of more looms only been put on the ballot form, then there would have been a bigger majority. The lockout itself was only partial one, and in Barnoldswick the factories never closed their doors. Here, Jim was advocating strike action in support of the striking Burnley workers, as it could be their turn next. Local union leaders attacked this as being the less peaceful policy of the Communist Party.


Towards the end of January the Prime Minister, Ramsey MacDonald called together some members of the C.C. of the Weavers' Amalgamation including its Secretary and Chairman for the purpose of discussing how to get the more looms system accepted with proper safe-guards as suggested by J. R. Clynes a few days before.


THE REBEL DELEGATION

This meeting was not to the liking of many trade unionists and the Burnley News reported on February 4th [1931] that this ''rebel delegation was organised from Nelson. It seems that Zeph Hutchinson attended a discussion class in the union's rooms on Sunday February 1st where the C.C. of the Amalgamations attitude was discussed, and immediately got things moving, so that a cotton delegation set out on February 2nd bound for London. One of the rebels'' was reported as saying, I am afraid that if the Government does not do something there may be among the weavers of Lancashire political revolt against some of the Labour Cabinet Ministers. The weavers have said, through the ballot vote, that their Amalgamation is not to enter into negotiation over the system. We will not have the system and the Amalgamation knows it'. This delegation was composed of Alvery Barker, union secretary for Skipton, George Brame, Clitheroe, and Zeph Hutchinson, Bacup, who were union secretaries from the smaller unions. Nelson composed the largest section, all were union committee men and from the factories, namely Jack and Ernest Williams, (father and son), Dick Martin, Charlie Chapman (union President) and William Gresty. From Burnley came Tommy Nutter a militant on the Burnley Weavers Committee, although probably not sent by the union. Many of these were to play a leading part for years in the cotton workers struggles and especially within the amalgamation.

The purpose of the delegation was to bring pressure on the Labour Government by seeking interviews with members of the Cabinet and impressing upon them the fact that the cotton workers had given no mandate for any negotiations to take place on the vexed question of more looms. Secondly, they asked for the setting up of a Cotton Control Board, for the purpose of re-organising the industry. They were not proposing capitalist rationalisation but advocating a Socialist solution with social ownership and control. Thirdly, they claimed immediate adequate maintenance for the locked out workers, and that the Government should make alterations in the Insurance Law which would enable the workers to draw immediate unemployed benefit.

At last, the delegation were 'ushered, in to see Mr. Greenwood, then Minister of Health and Nelsons M.P. who, after discussion, accepted the fact that re-organisation of the cotton industry was needed. Arthur Henderson, Burnley's Labour M.P. refused to see them, sending the information that Mr. Naesmith had sent a telegram (denied by him) to ignore the cotton delegation as it was 'unofficial'. The 'rebels' assembled with the Lancashire Labour and I.L.P. members who supported their aims. An attempt was made to get the matter placed for discussion in the House of Commons, but Ramsay MacDonald opposed it. But despite all setbacks the delegation claimed that they had breached the wall of the Cabinet. Never in the history of the cotton trade unions has the voice of the Lancashire cotton workers been more clearly expressed at Westminster wrote Zeph Hutchinson. The delegation returned home in high spirits, claiming they had won a great victory and there is no
doubt that their action had put heart into the struggle, and reporting- back meetings were well attended and enthusiastic. But there was nothing forthcoming by way of benefits to the locked-out workers.

When the matter of re-organisation of the industry was discussed within the Amalgamation shortly afterwards a resolution passed was for re-organisation, but as one delegate said it was on the lines of the Lancashire Cotton Corporation. Bacups motion That no approach to a satisfactory settlement of the wages and hours problem within the industry and no restoration of its prosperity is possible without fundamental economic re-organisation designed to end wasteful competition and overlapping, to eliminate the effects of over-capitalisation, to re-equip many sections of the industry from the purchase to the merchanting of the finished cloth at home and abroad under the authority of a National Cotton Control Board, representing all interests including the trade unions and the nation as a whole, and invested with the full political power of the Government and the state for achieving the objects set out above. This was defeated by 105 - 48.

At the February Amalgamation meeting the rebels'' were taken to task because of their unconstitutional methods of interviewing Cabinet Ministers and M.P.s and some leaders wanted top penalise them by forbidding them to attend Amalgamation meetings for a short while but this was turned down and they were admonished, the vote being 116-18 against their action, and it was then left at that. In February too the Amalgamation delegates turned the recommendation by the Central Committee that another ballot be taken regarding the more looms system and further scientific experiments. Outside the meeting, reported the Burnley News, were some twenty people demonstrating against such a ballot. The above local press, had, a few days previously, reported a meeting in the Co-op rooms in Hammerton Street, supported by Harden House Socialist Club, the S.D.F., I.L.P. and 'Organised Railwaymen', the Burnley Co-op Guild and Burnley Worker's Students Association. Arthur Riley a Burnley weaver was a speaker from the latter body and one of its founders. He was a long-standing communist and was in many campaigns with Jim. Known and respected throughout the Labour movement and interested in theory as well as in practice, he was a tutor for many years for the N.C.L. Colleges. Many of its members in those early years played a militant part in the cotton struggles.

A resolution passed at the meeting "that this meeting of Burnley workers expresses its sympathy and encouragement to the cotton operatives in their recent struggle and calls for its Public ownership and control by the Government Copies of which were sent to the appropriate bodies.

LOCKOUT CALLED OFF

February 13th [1931] saw the end of the lockout and the more loom experiments in Burnley were stopped. We took the view stated the employers, that under the circumstances in which the leaders of the operatives found themselves it would be a long time before they were in a position to settle the dispute by arrangement during which time the industry would suffer irreparable damage out of all proportion to the object we had in view''. From all sides the employers were being congratulated for putting the interests of the industry and the nation before whatever satisfaction might accrue from a victory of endurance over the operatives'' and that To hold up an entire industry on this issue which affected only a small proportion of the whole and in view of the ballot of the operatives against negotiations, it was the only alternative as there was nothing to look forward to but a long and
bitter struggle. With the issue at stake merely the extension of an experiment, the value of which to say the least, was extremely doubtful. Even before the lockout ended, the 'Burnley News, February 9th, was giving reports of praise to Gray, the Chairman of the Employers Association, for keeping the issue to one of more looms and not wages and hours. "The clogs instead of brains idea is not confined to the extremists among the weavers. It is also to be found in certain employers". So it seems that the employers, in view of all the circumstances, made a tactical withdrawal preferring to fight another time. There was to be no Backs to the wall, or diehard madness" and press headlines were to read - ''More looms not to be linked with wages and hours. The Union leaders had not been able to meet the employers Clothed with authority and Mr. Naesmith had reported that the union districts were showing stronger feelings against the more looms' system.

Ramsay MacDonald, a week after the meeting with cotton unions leaders had sent a letter expressing his regret after our conversations had been so fruitful, to let the matter drift. It was claimed that four of the five points discussed had been agreed upon. The Burnley News'', January 28th reported that the fifth point as to how many factories as a start should be allowed had not been received, the employers were pressing for 14 factories in 6 towns whilst the
operatives leaders had proposed 3 factories in 3 towns and in mills which were then closed.

Unable then to negotiate a more looms agreement as quickly as they would have liked, the employers were spoiling for struggle but now on wages and hours which united them all.

As early as January that year, the Secretary of Burnley Weavers, Mr. Hindley had warned: The employers had issued two notices, the first was a months notice to cease all agreements, the second that on and after a certain date such and such would be the wages paid. This would end all agreements under joint rules. The demand was for a 121 ½ % wage cut and a 55 ½ hour working week. It seems that these demands had been kept in the background pending a more looms' agreement, but it had not come off.

During the lockout, the Earl of Derby had sent a telegram as to the effect of an extended lockout on the London Textile Exhibition. With this ''gesture of goodwill'' questions in future, hoped the employers, would be conducted ''not as a struggle between two opposing forces but for restoring prosperity to the trade.

But whilst the more-loom experiments had for the time being stopped in Burnley there were factories still continuing to operate, one of which was Haightons in Barrowford, near Nelson. It was only a small factory and it was the only one the Nelson union had been unable to stop, although pickets had been outside the gates for twelve months. At meetings organised by the Communist party and the Unemployed Workers Movement, Rose Smith and Saklatvala [Shapurji Saklatvala (1874 - 1936), a Parsi born in Bombay, became
a Member of Parliament in Britain in 1922 - 1923 and 1924 - 1929. He was the third Indian person and the second member of the Communist Party to become an MP. SCG] spoke as well as Jim and others. Increased interest was shown and more people assembled outside the factory gate to help the union pickets. Meanwhile Jim organised a march of the unemployed to the Lancashire County Council, starting with a dozen or so from Barrowford and increasing its numbers on route through Nelson and then to Burnley where they stayed in Burnley overnight in the unemployed rooms in Old Hall Street. The next day on to Blackburn where Amy Hargreaves remembers that the men stayed in the N.U.W.M. rooms whilst the women were given accommodation in the homes of sympathisers. They were met at the boundary by a contingent led by George Jane. He was a cotton worker more frequently unemployed than not, and an outstanding organiser and speaker, and had been in the Communist party for many years. As a member of the National body of the N.U.W.M. he was involved with Wal Hannington [leader of the National Unemployed Workers Movement (NUWM)] in many of the great unemployed struggles of those years and became well known especially in his own area, and one remembers him outside factory or Labour Exchange or at a weavers union meeting using his talents to great advantage. What a great comrade George was. His wife Bertha, during 1930, served a months imprisonment with Maggie Nelson for their part in the unemployed struggles of that time and George was left with his two small daughters to care for. He was a comrade-in-arms of Jim.

The aims of this march to Preston was to claim relief for strikers, at the same rate as unemployment pay - relief without loan, no task work for those unemployed and receiving poor law relief, (this latter demand had the full backing of George Jane, as in many instances one would see George marching to the workhouse and leading a protest of unemployed who were so degraded that for a few shillings a week they had to do all manner of work and were often considered to be less than human. There were no trade union rates of pay here. George too had often been a recipient of this sort of treatment). The last demand was that trade union benefits should not be taken into account when assessing income for relief.

Jim, at the beginning of the march had been reported in the local press as saying – if we cannot win these demands for the strikers that we have set out to do, the employers will use the starvation weapon and try to force a break-away.

When the marchers reached Preston, a deputation chosen from a mass meeting was sent to the County authorities.


As soon as Jim arrived back from this march he helped to organise mass picketing outside Haightons factory and, from meetings held, a deputation was sent to the Council asking that the electricity for the firm be cut off and the withdrawal of police protection for the knobsticks, (strike-breakers). Such was the agitation over the weeks and so dense the crowd in Barrowford that it was left to the discretion of the drivers as to when to drive the trams to the village, so as to ensure the safety of passengers and trams.

'The local press of the time (Burnley Express, May 13th ) reported a meeting outside the Nelson union offices estimated to be from 4,000 to 5,000, attending a jazz band and big drum when local union officials spoke. Despite it "being frowned upon, Searching parties left the meeting to look for knobsticks homes where some sods were thrown and windows broken. Mounted police were out in force and an arrest made. Wearing a grave face the mayor moved amongst the crowd asking them to disperse As he didn't want to read the riot act''. But the Crowd went to the Police Station demanding that the arrested ''be fetched out of their cells'' and it wasnt until after 11.00 pm that they were off home. Later, the town council criticised the action of the Police and it was arising out of such incidents that a councillor and two weavers' union officials were brought to court. They were let off with a caution and bound over.

A similar demonstration called by the union and to have been held the day after was cancelled and a notice displayed in the office window stated - ''demonstration for tonight put off, another demonstration will shortly take place. It was reported that the Mayor had been seen earlier entering the union offices. This monster rally took place on May 16th and ''an orderly procession numbering 3,000 marched through Nelson, the Mayor and union leaders at its head.

A crowd estimated at 20,000 was assembled on the Carr-Hall recreation ground on which were two platforms with Mr. Naesmith as the chief speaker. Local Labour councillors also spoke, one of whom was John Normanton, who later was to join the communist party and give years of service to the working class and especially the cotton workers within the Amalgamation and local union. Placards displayed at this mass event demanded from the Burnley weavers Down with the 8 looms, systems. ''The unemployed can't get 4 looms let alone 8, ''Seven hour day, damn the 8 looms''. Even a few days before this demonstration, Jim had led a march past Haighton's house, carrying a big drum whose beats were heard far and wide, drawing attention to this hard-faced employer.

The Amalgamation had been asked a short while before by the Nelson Weavers Association to financially support an all-out Nelson Strike but had been refused, and so the factory was never stopped until the great strike of 1932 forced the issue.

EVENTS IN BURNLEY

On May 27th, the Burnley press had reported that Tertius Spencer the Burnley employer was equipping one of his factories to again start an eight looms experiment as he knew that in Japan they were running many looms per weaver. After a few days, this other factory (Imperial) was stopped because of
unruly demonstrations when thousands of people were on the streets and mounted police in force. Amy Hargreaves, an unemployed cotton worker and a communist, was arrested and followed to the Police Station by crowds of people. Refusing to be bound over she was later given a £5 fine, which was soon collected. She blamed the disturbances on the number of Liverpool police in the area. Spencer, who had already resigned his membership of the Employers' Federation, and, nothing daunted now opened his re-equipped factory (Queens Mill) which had been stopped for fifteen months. The main part of Spencer's workforce did not want the eight looms system, although there were hard cores prepared to tolerate it, so it was in the latter end of May that his unemployed workers met him and asked him to open the factory not on the eight-loom but on the six-loom system. They had also seen the weavers' union committee about the matter and generally propagated their views. The mill started to operate the system and the union organised mass picketing against. At a meeting near the factory, a rumour went the rounds that Spencer and the union leaders were meeting at the former's house and [the] local press of September 30th reported a march to the employers house of thousands of workers and unemployed, and one could hear the clatter of clogs above the din of the traffic as they marched up Manchester Road. When the crowd arrived they were met by police with batons at the ready so after a while the demonstrators withdrew and marched away. Actually the meeting was being held in the Mechanics Institute with the local union leaders, Amalgamation C.C. members, and to crown all, Spencer had brought along members of his knobstick factory committee. At this meeting agreement was made to the six-looms system in general as against the eight and wages and conditions fixed. The running of six looms was not uncommon amongst the men folk, especially on the bread and butter cloths, but whatever number of looms be run it would mean a reduction in payment per loom.

The employer agreed to let things quieten down for a few days' before re-starting the factory on the new terms, but all had reckoned without taking into account the October Amalgamation meeting. Agreements made behind their backs, with a low pick list and no guarantee caused so much ferment that the lenders had to quickly admit their mistake and the whole thing stopped and the pickets were out again on the Monday morning.

Police harassment then started with a vengeance. Rose Smith, a communist organiser then living in Burnley and originating from Mansfield, came with her two sons who went to school in the town. She was arrested and given a three months prison sentence, the headlines in the 'Manchester Evening Chronicle' reporting ''woman mill agitator sent to prison''. She was to have contested Burnley in the coming general election. Also Amy Hargreaves was given a fine of £8, but as a union member was defended. A few weeks afterwards Bessie and Harold Dickinson, who had come to Burnley from Blackburn in the hope of finding work were also arrested and given sentences of three months, along with Harper Harcher[sic], Abe Tickle and Dick Alford who got 14 days and a fine respectively. All punishments were for watching and besetting. As there was a shortage of cash, none were defended.

But police harassment didnt end, as a few months later, Harold Dickinson, out selling the Daily Worker with others in Burnley Wood, was bundled into a waiting Black Maria, driven to the Police station, immediately tried in Camera, given a ten days prison sentence, and on his way to Strangeways before his family knew anything about it.

The communist candidate was now to be Jim, the 'Burnley News stating that the ''last minute nomination of Jim Rushton created a sensation in the town. ''Communist in field Very little press publicity was given Jim, apart from reporting a meeting of 2,000 on the cattle market with Ernie Woolley and Amy Hargreaves as supporting speakers, the latter at whose house he stayed during the campaign. Jim also spoke to the crowds outside the football field, and his mighty voice would come loud and clear through the megaphone, as the football crowds left. One of Jims first public engagements was to lead a deputation to the local authorities asking for increased relief for the destitution so prevalent and that the dole cuts should be made up by relief payments. Relief on local should cease claimed Jim and workers whilst on task work at the workhouse should receive their fares. They were promised that careful consideration would be given to their claims, but in the end there was a negative reply.

Jim carried out a strenuous campaign and with his election agent and helpers in prison, he carried on, reaching the length and breadth of the constituency. The Tory won the seat against Arthur Henderson and Jim only registered 512 votes. Nothing daunted he said in his after-the-poll speech, Although we have had a small poll at the election, the writing is on the wall, I stand by my class, assured that the future belongs to them''.

Besides being active nearer home, Jim had more than a nodding acquaintance with events further afield, such as at the Perseverance Mill at Hapton, near Padiham whose employers were tampering with list prices, the union being involved. Mass pickets marched in from Padiham led by a jazz band, and a strike committee in the village met at the Bridge Inn. Miners at Hapton colliery helped to picket after they had finished work. There were several people arrested. The police eventually placed a cordon around parts of the boundary and all buses at particular times were vetted so that pickets were prevented from entering and the struggle reached a high level of militancy. Finally the activity petered out and it was left to the greater struggles of 1932 to stop the factories. Ernie Woolley played some part in this dispute. About this time, Crowther, a Harle Syke employer, had a strike on his hands by workers and union opposing shift working. A strike committee was set up and later the employer caved in. Unfortunately here, one or two of the militant union members were victimised which left a bad taste in the mouth. Earlier in the year an incident happened which was a little unfortunate for Jim and others. It seems that a leaflet on the Haighton's strike was to be issued and Jim approached a printer whom he knew in Burnley and had been a weaver just setting up in his new business who promised to do the job. Jim arranged that the finished leaflet be sent by tram to Nelson where Jim would pick them up and then deliver them around with helpers in the area. The printer did not include his name and address which was soon noticed by the police, who brought Jim and Walter Pilling to court along with the printer. The latter, explaining he had not agreed with the contents of the leaflet, was given a small fine, whilst the other two were fined £5 each. Jim was able to find the money but the latter could not pay immediately so was sent to prison until the money was found when he would be bailed out. Walter said - ''he saw some of the lads'' whilst in Strangeways. The printer it seems had got cold feet, as there was nothing brought up in court concerning the contents of the leaflet. During
the municipal elections, Jim had found the time to contest and so not

to split the vote had approached the Labour Party with a view to electoral agreement, Jim being willing to contest another ward than his usual one, but he was turned down. During this election and often before, Jim had led deputations to the local council asking that food and footwear be granted to needy children and was often listened to very sympathetically as these local bodies knew of the terrible destitution in the town. His election address included the request for a free room where the unemployed could meet for a little recreation; that modern homes be built and a work-scheme started to help the unemployed; the provision of stripping huts on the playing fields, and
lastly that the old tippler closets much is use, and emptied by workmen street by street in full view of those out and about, should be discharged at other times than daylight. [SCG note. I think this actually refers to pail closets. Tipplers were connected direct to the sewers and no emptying was involved]

For one reason or another, Jim only registered 41 votes and the local press hailed it as a decisive blow to the communists.

It was in 1931 that an agreement was negotiated on the more looms system between the firm of James Nelsons and the Nelson union. Here high grade cloths were involved. The speed of the looms was to be determined by experience and the looms were to become semiautomatic. There was to be a wage of 58 - 60 shillings a week up to a maximum of eight looms and with a bonus later to be introduced. Outside investigators would be allowed to give independent reports. There was to be ancillary labour. The employers claimed that any of the women made redundant would be absorbed as their factory was expanding. The union claimed it to be a good agreement, but some thought the wage too low and that the employer was on to a good thing. But on the whole it was well accepted by the workers.

So far as the more looms system on the ordinary Lancashire Loom was concerned, the Amalgamation finally did give their Committee power to negotiate, but no agreement was arrived at, the employers remarking that if they had to pay the wages proposed by the unions it would be better to end the discussion and ask them to agree to a 25% wage cut off list prices. This, said the employers, would ease the present situation without them being involved in the more looms problems. And so the scene was being set for the great 1932 struggles.

THE MIDLAND AGREEMENT, 1932

This year was certainly a momentous one. Employers were contravening agreements left, right and centre. We are in the grip of remorseless competition warned Mr. Naesmith. Trade had declined despite attacks on living standards. The local Blackburn paper during January was reporting that Grange mill was operating the same system as Spencer in Burnley, and had twice as many operatives as required, whilst Cherry Tree mill operatives had offered to work a 52 hour week for 10 shillings less. This mill was one of the Dugdale group of factories but strikes were in process in the others with most of the workers out. There had been a poor turn up for work, the press reported. During May the Blackburn Times gave the information that about 28 mills out of the 62 working were operating some form, of wage cut, with disputes in active progress in 14 of them. By June the same source reported, there was an extension of mills on separate agreements with no further withdrawal of labour, and now only 20 factories would be paying list prices. The Blackburn Times also mentioned a ballot which had taken place in Padiham showing a vote of 1,655 with 1,516 against, accepting a wage cut of 1/1 ½ in the £ pending a County wage agreement, which the local Textile Trades Federation had accepted as its policy. But it wasn't got away as easy as that because the three mills of the Church Street Manufacturing Company struck when a wage cut had been announced and restarted on the old Uniform List wages. Great Harwood, a nearby town, had its Premier Mill operating on a wage cut and had introduced a co-operative scheme with 500 operatives working and 70 on strike. In South Lancashire, at Chorley, reported the Blackburn Times, the workers had accepted a wage cut of 6 ½ % which was the outcome of a meeting between the local Textile Trades Federation and employers. The former body had made the request for a joint meeting to discuss conditions under which an agreement can be made. and there is
recognition on our part that a new agreement involves a reduction in wages Luke Bates, who was the secretary of the Lancs. Textile Trades Federation blamed it all on unemployment.

But in Haslingden, it was another kettle of fish. Jim Garnett, Harry Fuller, Danny Mead, involving their own union families and friends, were in the thick of it at Syke mill. ''Knobsticks came from Great Harwood and there were mass pickets at the factory gates. Police were out in force and pickets harassed by them were allowed escape routes through the houses of workers nearby. One day a picket was arrested, where upon a meeting at the 'Big Lamp sent a deputation to the police station followed by the crowd demanding the prisoner's release. After there had been threats of rushing the doors of the Police station the police hesitatingly allowed the prisoner to leave on a surety of £5. Another mass meeting was held, and from the 2000 people assembled a collection was taken to pay for any possible fine and for legal representation. The day of the trial saw a demonstration outside the court house and a 'bound over verdict was given. But that was not the end of the matter, for when the knobsticks approached the centre of the town in their two buses, several of the demonstrators lay down in the way of the buses and forced them to stop where upon missiles were thrown. The mayor came and read the riot Act and received a noisy hearing. News flashes on the local cinema screen announced that Syke Mill would not re-open on the Monday morning. Working with Jim Garnett and Harry Fuller in this period and later in the cotton struggle, one remembers Danny Mead, a local spinner, and a well-known speaker and leader. The Fuller family, the Garnetts, Plaices and many others. Many of them had met and worked with Jim Rushton.


THE EVENTS IN BURNLEY

At the beginning of 1932 the local weavers union were requesting the Amalgamation to give them financial support so as to strike the town due to the many breaches of agreements. This was given a week later and then the matter was left in the hands of the Burnley Union and the C.C. of the Weavers' Amalgamation. A ballot was then taken by the Burnley T.T. Federation, resulting in 16,618 for a strike to enforce agreements and 1908 against, but strike action was postponed. At the February Amalgamation meeting it was reported that normal conditions had been secured at many of the factories concerned and that as there were only five now in dispute there would be no Burnley strike.


THE SHUTTLEWORTH STRIKE - EARBY

A dispute at this factory started in May [1932] when the employers posted notices for a wage cut of 1/6 in the pound and so the union called for strike action at the mill. Pickets were outside the gate. Only some 58 workers answered and 160 did not, which together with about 26 outside knobsticks enabled the factory to keep running. This factory was only a few miles from Jims hometown and Jim was able to hold meetings and so help the mass picketing which had already commenced. A strike committee was formed which met in the Weavers' offices. It also embraced many unemployed. The local weavers union secretary could often be seen on the picket line. When some two months later all Earby struck with Burnley, Shuttleworths were forced to close because the firm shared an engine with a factory now on strike. The strike committee was now extended and more people were now involved in collecting so that strikers could be helped, even including non-unionists. On Earby station almost every day one could see men and women, collecting tins in hand, leaving for areas as far away as Scotland. Jack Pilkington who was a member of the strike committee, remembers the Scottish Wholesale Society made up a five shillings food parcel for every 3/6d they collected. There were marches and mass meetings, and cricket matches organised and such like. One leaflet produced shows Jim heading a march through this small town carrying a small boy and with a banner proclaiming Our fathers and mothers are fighting for our butties. The town was known throughout the dispute as being militant and well organised. The police were often there in full force and on occasions spent the night in one or other of the factories in the area. At one factory gate meeting during the Shuttleworth strike, Jim was arrested and fined 10/- and a week later was again summoned before Skipton Court, when strikers and unemployed walked or cycled the six or so miles displaying banners which stated Shuttleworth strike committee Stop the police terror down with the means test'. In reply to the police witness who stated that Jim had gathered a large crowd causing an obstruction, Jims reply was that it was the bosses causing the obstruction and that if they withdrew
their notices everything would then be quiet in Earby. A list of fifty witnesses was presented by Jim but after three had given evidence the magistrate said that if all were giving the same evidence then it would be a waste of the court's time. A fine of £1 was imposed. A superintendent at the court remarked that if he continued Rushton would have to be dealt with as a public nuisance. Jim retorting that he didn't know if a threat was meant but he didnt like the statement. Later in June Jim was again before the court and had been kept in Armley gaol for a day or two. It seems he was arrested in Barnoldswick in Station Road. You wouldn't have done this if my lads had been with me, where is your summons? At the police station, was the reply, and any eye witness then saw Jim handcuffed and taken away. During these troubled times Jim was hardly ever left on his own, and often used to stay at the homes of his numerous friends and would use devious routes to return home. He had made a small retreat in the foundations of his house which he approached by ladder, and although uncomfortable it served its purpose. Mrs Rushton gave her children strict instructions that if the police came to the door they had to tell them nowt. Brought before the court on the charge of intimidating and besetting, Jim was this time defended, and after a lengthy hearing was fined £25 with £4.13s-0d costs, which sum was soon raised from collections and such like. Jim Garnett remembers that the workers of Birleys factory threatened strike action if Jim was sent to prison and that this employer retired from the bench during the trial.


THE BURNLEY STRIKE

Practically all factories in Burnley were threatened with breaches of agreement when in April the employers entered a claim for wage cuts which would have meant 3/4 in the pound [cut], and that claim they received no satisfaction they would end all existing agreements by June 11th. A ballot to be conducted by the Northern Counties T.T. Federation was then decided upon, which body was an amalgamation of all the unions comprising the manufacturing side of the industry, the Weavers Amalgamation comprising about three quarters of the whole. Along with the ballot form sent out was a separate statement from the Northern Counties Federation itself first giving the state of the industry and adding that the circumstances call upon us either to resist or negotiate, We are asking for an expression of your will - let it be of a decisive character upon one or other of the two propositions - 1) Are you in favour of withdrawing your labour on June 11th against the decision of the employers to end existing agreements? 2) Are you in favour of your officials negotiating? Preparations can be made for resistance or negotiations. It was to be left to the unfettered judgement of members, with no recommendations. Delegates at the May meeting of the Amalgamation had endorsed the recommendations of their Central Committee for strike action, but the Nelson Weavers' union had advocated that its members vote for the first , proposition on the ballot paper but not the second.

After the ballot figures showed that within the Amalgamation itself 79,000 were for strike action and 19,000 against and 51,000 for negotiations and 27,000 against. Taking the overall vote of the Northern Counties Federation figures gave 88,000 for strike, 24,000 against, 63,000 for negotiations with 29,000 against, all in round figures. This result was not considered to be decisive, so a further ballot was taken on the straight issue of strike action or negotiations, which resulted in 70,000 for strike and 50,000 for negotiations within the Weaver's Amalgamation, and for the whole Northern Counties Textile Trades Federation was 78,000 for strike and 61,000 for negotiations. There was still no decision for strike action. In the course of his review at the June 30th Amalgamation meeting, Mr. Naesmith gave the reason as to why no action had been taken stating ''The Central Committee had all along been in favour of strike action, but our members would not respond, and he was not going to ask our members in those areas where strike action was possible to sacrifice themselves in the manner advocated''. The C.C. asked that the matter of future negotiations be left in their hands ''with powers to deal with the situation as it arose, to trust them and give them a lead. The voting was 81 - 69 for the Central Committee, and this despite the fact that the Secretary at one point in his statement had said, he did not want anybody to be deceived, negotiations would mean a reduction in wages But the employers were still pressing and despite telephonic communications between union leaders of Burnley and Weavers Amalgamation with the employers, the latter refused to budge and would not withdraw notices, nor attend the suggested meeting from which the union leaders hoped an agreement could be made on wages and conditions. Then the Burnley T.T. Federation met and voted for a Burnley withdrawal of labour by 39 - 16 votes. The strike started on the Monday, July 24th [1932].

During that week, reported the 'Nelson Leader (July 29th), strikers from, Burnley, Brierfield and Earby invaded the town where speeches were made by strikers and communists... and with bugles blaring and banners waving, they called for 'not a penny off the wages, not a minute on the day. A deputation from the crowd was sent to the Nelson Weavers' Union Committee who were in session and was listened to very sympathetically. At the close of the meeting at 10.00 p.m. the union secretary addressed the assembled crowd saying ''We have taken steps to call for a requisition meeting of the general council of the Weavers' Amalgamation and have get the signatures necessary for the calling of such a meeting. The resolution to be put being That this special general meeting instructs the

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