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1784. THE MOMENTOUS YEAR OF ABRAHAM HARGREAVES.
[THIS IS THE DOROTHY HARRISON LECTURE]
THE WORLD OF ABRAHAM HARGREAVES
In 1784 Colne was a little market town of 2,757 inhabitants with a few streets clustered round the Parish Church and a practically separate community at Waterside. There was no Nelson. Great Marsden had 993 inhabitants. Little Marsden 772. Barrowford had 1,006 people and Foulridge 615. It is noticeable, however, that even then Colne had 17 public houses. Barrowford had at least 3, the White Bear, the George and Dragon and the Fleece. It was a largely agricultural community which also practised hand-loom weaving. The Cloth Hall had been built in 1775. The present roads did not exist; trade went largely by pack-horse pony (the small, sturdy Galloways) carrying round the Pennine villages wool, cloth, lime and malt.
In 1784 Abraham Hargreaves of Heirs House kept a diary. He probably kept others which were thrown away. This, however, was the diary of his momentous year, when he turned the old corn mill at Barrowford over to cotton spinning by machine. He probably kept it as a souvenir, and we are lucky that he did, for here is the everyday life of the 18th Century as lived by a very complicated character. Abraham was landowner, farrier, merchant, millowner, churchwarden, devout Methodist, dutiful son, indulgent husband - with at least one mistress and probably more in the background.
The diary was certainly not intended for publication. Both style and contentprove that. It contains day to day scraps of information written in a sort of conversational shorthand. Deductions can be made about his life and character from what he says, and sometimes even more interesting deductions from what he does not say.
The overall picture is one with which the 18th Century historian is familiar. All over the Pennines there are remains of what were once corn mills, turned into textile mills in the late 18th Century. Big new corn mills in towns were grinding corn far more cheaply than the old small village mills and corn millers found themselves redundant. They had their mills and their skills with water and they turned to textiles. It was no accident that some of the pioneers in Colne's textile industry, Nicholas England, Robert Shaw, and John Phillips began as corn millers. (In due time, as steam power came in and water power went out, the old mills were gradually deserted. Coal was so expensive and difficult to transport that it was cheaper to move the mill to the coal than the coal to the mill.)
Abraham differs somewhat from the other pioneers in that he acquired his corn mill to transform it and had to enlist outside help to help in its transformation. The inspiration for his venture was John Greenwood of Keighley, who crops up again and again in the diary as guide, philosopher and friend. It was a role that he was to play for other cotton spinners besides Abraham, and he may indeed already have played it for Abrahams uncle John, already busy with cotton spinning at Roughlee.
Keighley had recently begun its textile career with cotton spinning, it turned to worsteds slightly later and John Greenwood was one of its pioneers.
He started at North Brook Mill and before he finished was to be involved with five mills in the Keighley district and one at Ripon. He enjoyed the rather dubious distinction of being one of the first to use children in cotton factories, importing young orphan girls from the Foundling Hospital in London. On the credit side he was a leader of the improvement committee that brought Keighley water and gas and he subscribed heavily to the founding of the Keighley Mechanics Institute and maintained at his works a private fire engine which could be borrowed for the town. The firm he founded is still going strong, though it is now called "Emm Wools.
We do not know how Abraham Hargreaves met John Greenwood. They may have always known each other for links in the Pennine community took no notice of county boundaries. They may have gone to school together, Bradford Grammar School, then, as now, taking boarders, attracted scholars from all over this district. They may have met through John Hargreaves of Roughlee. It is possible that they met through Abrahams business activities. Malt was in great demand in the 18th Century when every household brewed its own beer. Keighleys malt came from the Colne district, since the soil round Keighley is not suitable for barley. Abrahams diary has frequent references to his sale of malt, and the deliveries he arranges for his men to make. By far the most obvious contact however is the Methodist movement. Colne was for a long time in the Haworth circuit at the time that Abraham was writing and at least one of the ministers he mentions, Mr. Costerdine, had served in the Haworth circuit before the division. The connections between Pennine Methodists were close, and the Hargreaves and Greenwood families were strong Methodists. Paul Greenwood, Johns father, was a Trustee, with John and Charles Wesley, and Grimshaw of Haworth, of the first Methodist meeting place at Padiham in 1758. James Hargreaves of Fir Trees, a close relative of Abraham, was one of its early members.
John Greenwood provided Abraham with the expert knowledge to start his venture. At this time Greenwoods were making their own machinery (a bit later they diversified and Richard Hattersley took over the machinery making section of North Brook Mill) The frames were sent to Colne - significantly on Wednesdays, the day the Keighley carrier came to Colne. Greenwood came himself to set them up and show Abraham how to work them. Later he took Abraham round the textile district to introduce him to cotton importers and possible customers.
THE LIFE OF ABRAHAM HARGREAVES.
Various documents help us to reconstruct the life of Abraham Hargreaves; Colne Parish Registers, the wills of the Hargreaves family in the County Records Office, the Methodist records, even the interminable pages of Mrs Shackletons diaries - though she died in 1781, three years before Abrahams diary began. Mrs Shackleton saw quite a bit of Abraham, whose father James Hargreaves of the Laund she describes tartly as ''Mr Shackleton's pot companion". She is equal tart about Abraham, idle and a wastrel", but she preened herself when he gallantly escorted her back from a dinner party at Roughlee. She expresses a gleeful disapproval of his scandalous love life, but one rather gets the impression that part of the disapproval was that he failed to slant it her way.
Abraham was born on May 14th 1744 which makes him 40 when he was writing his diary. In the diary itself he says of Sunday January 25th "Birthday, 38 years", one of the statements that lays a trap for unwary biographers. It may have been a reminder to himself not to forget his wife's birthday - or possibly that of his girl friend.
He married Margaret Whittham at Colne Parish Church on February 11th 1766. (The document says "Whittham" but she actually signed it "Whitwham"). The witnesses were Christopher Hargreaves and Richard Farrer the parish clerk who signed about 80% of the certificates. The officiating clergyman was Roger Wilson and this, in itself, is sufficiently revealing. The Rev Roger Wilson was that 18th Century phenomenon, a clerical pluralist. Fourth son of Sir Matthew Wilson of Eshton Hall, he held the living of Colne for 36 years, but usually resided elsewhere. (He died at Otley). It needed an important wedding for him to officiate in person.
Abrahams WAS an important wedding. He was the third son and second surviving son of James Hargreaves of the Laund, a very considerable landowner. The wealth of the family is attested by James will, Abrahams will and the assessment of the rateable value of Barrowford 1803. The witness, Christopher Hargreaves, may have been Abrahams younger brother. If so, he fades from the story soon after the wedding. He went to Yorkshire to become a school master and, some time before 1784, the date of Abrahams diary, he emigrated to America. Here he married and had three sons. After being deserted by his wife and children he eventually returned to England. He came into the story again after Abraham died, childless, in 1804 because the three sons had to take legal proceedings to prove their right to their uncle's estate and these proceedings give us valuable information about the family. The diary refers more than once to another Christopher Hargreaves who is obviously an uncle. There are death dates of two Christopher Hargreaves in the Colne Parish Register. The one who died in 1812 and left his estate to his daughter Margaret is obviously "Uncle Christopher" who brought his daughter Peggy to tea in 1784 and equally obviously Abrahams sleeping partner in the mill.
On their marriage Abraham and Margaret took up residence at Heirs House. Here they lived the sort of life that might be expected, some visiting, some shooting, a great deal of farming, a prosperous business selling malt. The marriage remained childless. This must have upset Abraham, whose diary shows that he was fond of children. He had a farm manager. Until about 1783 this was Abraham Beanlands, judging from the Colne Baptismal Register. Then Abraham Beanlands address changes from Heirs' Rouse to Netherfield and the children of Richard Brotherton carry the Heirs' House address instead. It looks as if a farm on the estate has become vacant and Abraham Beanlands has taken it while Richard Brotherton replaces him as farm manager at Heirs' Rouse. Both were working for Abraham Hargreaves in 1784. though there is a difference. Abraham Beanlands and his wife Jane were on intimate visiting terms while Richard Brotherton was not. This, of course, is logical. Abraham Beanlands and his wife had worked for Abraham Hargreaves for years whereas the Brothertons were recent employees. Moreover the records of the Colne Methodist circuit show that the Beanlands, like the Hargreaves, were strong Methodists.
We must beware of seeing Abraham, or indeed most local worthies of the past, as typical village "squires", living on an entailed estate. This is the Pennines, not the South of England, and up here there was very little primogeniture, with the land going to the eldest son and the others having to look out for themselves. Not too far back in the past of most local gentry was a sturdy 17th Century yeoman who made his fortune by a shrewd mixture of farming, trade, textiles, often a judicious marriage and sometimes sheer luck. He divided his estates among his sons - sometimes his daughters also, though they often got their portion on marriage - and then it was up to the sons to follow his example. Abraham got Heirs House and a respectable share of his father's Barrowford lands, but he would have to pay rent to his father - indeed the diary records the payment.
Abraham probably made the judicious marriage. Margaret obviously had some property of her own; he speaks of Betty Brindle renting a house off my wife", and the jewellery which he pledges for �600 later in the year was obviously Margarets.
Christopher, Abrahams younger brother, did not get much out of his father's will, an annuity payable at Abrahams discretion. Abraham passed over Christopher in his own will in favour of Christophers three sons. This unfavourable treatment was not because Christopher was a younger son; after all, so was Abraham. It arose probably because of some fault of character. He went far enough from home to become a school master, an occupation often taken up in the 18th Century when the man concerned had failed at everything else. He emigrated, again, often a case of last resort. He married and his wife left him, taking the children with her. He was obviously furious at being passed over in Abrahams will; he refused to give the trustees any help in locating them.
We meet Abraham from time to time in Mrs Shackleton's diary, mainly at blameless social affairs. On March 12th 1779, however, she has this to say. Amorous entanglement betwixt the Methodist tribe. Mr Abraham Hargreaves of Heirs' House and Mrs Whitaker of Netherheys, and much admired Mr Whitaker alias Tom o the Comb makers; this most unfortunate love betwixt the religious brother and sister has made Abraham give up attending the meeting, the fair one the same and poor Tom did no preaching
This is not the same lady that we meet in the diary disguised as M. Presumably M is the ladys initial, and the wife of Thomas Whitaker of the Combmakers (who died in 1801 aged 53) was named "Rose". Internal evidence supports this assumption, Mrs Whitaker was ashamed of herself. The lady of the diary can only be described as a shameless hussy.
THE SETTING UP OF THE MILL
In 1783 Abraham bought an old corn mill. It had belonged to Robert Bannister of Colne Hall, who died in 1780, and his trustees offered it for sale, hopefully, as a cloth or fulling mill. Abraham paid �233. Jesse Blakey, who knew it well, says in the "Annals of Barrowford that the mill when bought by Barrowford Council in 1924 consisted of four easily identifiable parts, the oldest the Corn Mill, the second the spinning mill, the third a waterwheel house, and the latest an engine house built on the back. The engine house must have been added after 1824 when the firm leasing it was granted permission to build one. The spinning mill and the waterwheel house were Abrahams contribution.
Christopher Hargreaves was named with Abraham as purchaser. This is obviously not his younger brother, who had already left the district. It is obviously his uncle Christopher, a sleeping partner in the business. Later the diary mentions an apprentice bound to Abraham and Christopher Hargreaves.
Two things emerge very clearly from the diary. The first is the speed with which the mill got going. It was, of course, only a small mill but even so it was a considerable undertaking. Much of the first month was taken up with the legalities of the transfer. (Jan 14th, "At Barrowford in Forenoon; after at Colne with John and Thomas Pollard, executing deeds for Barrowford Mill) By January 24th he was raising more money. (At Barrowford in the fornoon. Mrs Swinglehurst received mortgage and signed.) This, again, is typical 18th Century. Landowners had seldom any spare cash, like prudent farmers they invested all in farm improvements. The �233 that Abraham had already paid was probably his limit in ready money. Now he needed money to get the mill ready, and he did what all the early industrialists did; he utilised his credit among friends and neighbours.
Mrs Swinglehurst lived at Park hill (now Pendle Heritage Centre). She was a widow with control of her own fortune. There is no suggestion of her becoming a shareholder and probably would not have been even if she had been a man. There was no legal limit to liability. It would be foolish to become a shareholder when a mortgage was much safer.
The second striking factor is Abrahams personal involvement. He was obviously a man who believed that a thing was done best if he did it himself. On 23 days out of 31 in January he was directly concerned with the mill, either supervising the work or buying for it. The occupation had its dangerous moments. On Saturday 17th he hurt his toe, on the 31st he broke his cart and lamed his horse.
He does not say how he treated his toe, but he treated his horse with turpentine.
On Monday February 2nd he went to Keighley to see Mr Greenwood. He could have taken either of two ways from Colne to Keighley. The ''moss road'' was not built. He could have gone up Skipton Old Road past the Bluebell Inn and Two Laws. It is more likely, however, that he took "the Herders" road to Haworth since the North Brook mill was at Laycock.
Abraham was at the mill on twenty days in February, including February 25th. At Barrowford in fornoon, after at Colne. Received our irons from Mr Greenwood, Keighley. This was Wednesday, the day the Keighley carrier came to Colne.
Twenty-three days in March were concerned with the mill, though he was also much occupied with the spring ploughing, harrowing and sowing. John Greenwood came with Mrs Greenwood on Monday 22nd, presumably to inspect the work. (Stayed in all fornoon. 10 Greenwood came with Mrs. Stayed dinner and drinking. Went to Barrowford to look at mill - house took of Mrs Swinglehurst)
January and February were taken up with the mill fabric, the chimneys. carpentry, floor laying, the goit and the dam. Once John Greenwood had approved the mill, the machinery started coming. (Thursday 8th April. Went to Mr Greenwood's, Keighley, about frames for cotton mill. Got home by 9. See two frames for carding loaded.)
Thursday 22nd April saw a new development. "Set off to Manchester with John Greenwood and John Hargreaves to buy cotton". (John Hargreaves was his uncle John, already in business with the mill at Roughlee).
On Monday 26th April. "Mr. Greenwood came to set up, etc.
For the rest of April and throughout May the frames kept coming and John Greenwood set them up. It did not take long for Abraham to accept a new challenge. Thursday 20th May. At Barrowford, spinning, I tentered while uncle and John Greenwood went to Colne He was now learning how to set up and maintain the new machines. On 18th July he reported triumphantly "Sent twist off to Blackburn.
Shortly after this he had a well earned holiday with his wife and her friend Betty Brindle at Blackpool.
Back home, he began buying large quantities of candles. On Saturday 28th August we learn why. At Barrowford in fornoon. After at home to dinner. After at Barrowford. Stayed till wages paid and nighters changed He was now running a night shift.
Obviously feeling that he had mastered the technique of cotton spinning, Abraham now began to learn the commercial side of the business. We find him in September touring round the cotton district, visiting places like Manchester, Stalybridge, Blackburn and Darwen, buying cotton and trying to interest customers. On his first visit to Manchester he was guided by John Greenwood's father.
August 30th. John Greenwood came to tell me to go with his father to Manchester. I set off at 11. Dinnered Bacup. At Manchester 7
On Friday 14th September he was in contact with a far greater cotton spinner. Went to Blackburn to L. Whitaker's. Had an order of Hawkshed and Fielding. Called Mr. Peels. After home." (Mr Peel, later the first Sir Robert Peel, father of the future Prime Minister, and leader of the movement to protect children working in cotton factories)
Also in September Abraham. began to play an active part in mill finance. Since he already had a prosperous malt business, book keeping was no novelty to him. (Saturday 11th September. At Barrowford till 3 O'clock, settling ledger for the first time and paying wages.")
He must by now have found a manager for the mill, but he was personally supervising the weighing of twist, its dispatch to his customers and the mill accounts. It took up a great deal of his time. (Thursday 23rd September. At Barrowford all day. Packing twist. Bills of parcels, letters etc. Got home by half past 8 night.")
In October legal matters began to take up his attention again. Friday 1st October. At Barrowford all day. Mr Greenwood came and I gave him notice of dissolving partnership." On Saturday he consulted his lawyers about the articles with Mr Greenwood. On Monday 11th he wrote that they had now begun for themselves and on Tuesday that they were running off what we call the partnership cotton. This sounds like a breach with John Greenwood. On the other hand John Greenwood came through to attend a formal meeting when Abraham made an arrangement with a Mr Oddie. The transaction was 0viously something to do with the need for more capital, which involved a rearrangement of the partnership. On 13th October Abraham borrowed �600 on the security of some jewellery and a week later he recorded Hired of Grace Stutterd �60
The business was obviously expanding. On 27th October Abraham took on two apprentices. Richard Brotherton and Henry Forster were hired and indentured with Christopher Hargreaves and me. (Richard Brotherton was obviously the son of his farm manager. Here we have an example of the paternalism characteristic of the early mills.)
On October 22nd a clock maker was installed in the mill after Abraham had fettled up the top garret end" for him. (Clock makers, being skilled with machinery, often found new careers as mill engineers).
By now Abraham was moving all round the textile districts. On November 2nd he recorded Set off to Halifax at 5 in morning. Got there by 9 clock. At Mr B Alland and Mr Emmott.
Soon afterwards tumbling shafts [seems to have been the contemporary description for the shafting which carried the power to the machines. SCG.] arrived from Leeds. Typically Abraham took a hand in installing them. He was knocked down and hurt his face. Shortly after the wheels from the Halifax foundry arrived.
On December 30th he bought a pair of Dutch looms in Manchester. 1784 thus ends with the beginning of a new venture. He had set up and got going a successful spinning mill well within a year; now he was embarking on weaving.
ABRAHAM, THE FARMER
The mill was obviously first in Abrahams thoughts in 1784 but the rateable value of his assets, and indeed his will, shows that it was not his major source of income. This came from land. Every entry in his diary begins with a statement about the weather and the prevailing direction of the wind - a matter of great importance to a farmer. In his position he could afford to take time off from farming. He had a very competent farm manager, and in any case, there were slack periods in the farming year. Farmers lower down the social scale did handloom weaving in those periods. Abraham maintained a general supervision, and there were certain times of the year when agricultural matters came first.
In March he diverted his attention from the mill to the ploughing, sowing and harrowing. In July came the really busy time of the Pennine farmer's year, the
hay harvest. He had several men helping to get in the hay and was himself out in the fields. He recorded ten days of fine dry weather, with a westerly wind and then on Wednesday the 7th a change Came on at noon, lightning, thunder and rain catched with our hay." Fortunately it soon cleared up and by weekend they were out in the fields again. He dealt first with the Barrowford hay and then with his fields at Colne.
Pennine farmers seem to have been a friendly and co-operative lot. They helped one another in various ways. Abraham seems to have specialised in killing pigs; on February 17th he despatched three separate victims for various friends. He let Richard plough for Henry Hague in April, and later Henry repaid the debt by coming to help Abraham plough for potatoes.
The farm seems to have been largely pasture with a little arable land. (Heir's House itself, after extensive rebuilding by Nicholas England in the 1850s, has been demolished in living memory, but the farmhouse, which was the home of Richard Brotherton, still stands (though in a derelict state.) Sheep were the basis of the farming. There is little reference to them, because for most of the time sheep need little or no supervision. Shearing is mentioned in September. There were also some store cattle; arrangements are made for "twinters'' or two year olds. Sundry mentions of cows calving or being mated show that the Hargreaves had their own milk supply. Abraham seems to have relied on horse power, borrowing and lending with his neighbours. A reference to yoking gears on March 8th seems to indicate that his uncle was still old fashioned enough to use oxen. The Hargreaves diet was supplemented by gooseberries, wild plums and nuts. and gathering the latter seems to have been a family recreation. He sent his parents a typical farmers present for New Year; wheat and a goose, (after a stern paternal reminder). It was supplemented by ''rum from Liverpool.
ABRAHAM THE METHODIST
In his own way Abraham was a devout man. He lived at a time when it was possible to be both an Anglican and a Methodist and Sunday by Sunday he attended first the service in Colne Church, then the Methodist meeting. He was churchwarden for 1783 and 1784 according to parish records. The diary mentions churchwarden's meetings and vestry meetings.
Methodist meetings were carefully arranged to come after the Sunday morning service in the church. Sometimes there was an evening service as well as an afternoon one. Abraham recorded carefully the name of the preacher and the text of the sermon. He very rarely missed attendance. Once or twice he missed the church service, but went to the Methodist meeting later. Once, near the end of the year, he missed both Church and Methodist meeting but that was after he hurt himself fixing the tumbling shafts.
On April 18th he recorded that there was no meeting that day. Mr Wesley was preaching at Gisburn and obviously the Colne meeting was cancelled so that its members could attend at Gisburn. But Abraham did not go. This seems strange. Mr Wesley was the great John himself. Abraham had a great respect for John Wesley. He stayed in one afternoon reading Mr Wesley's journal and he owned 6 setts of Wesleys magazine according to the inventory taken at his death. Why did Abraham not go to Gisburn? It was a small journey in comparison to some he made during the year. The tea party was no excuse. The Beanlands family were Methodists also; he could have taken them along, as he took the Greenwood family a month later to Wheatley Lane Chapel.
There is a possible explanation of this reluctance on Abrahams part. By 1784 John Wesley was approaching the half century of his missionary work and was a tremendous personality. His followers loved and venerated him but had a very healthy respect for his authority. (His enemies put it more simply, they called Wesley Pope John). One of Wesley's flock living in open adultery might well hesitate to come too near the great man.
A check through Wesley's Journal reinforces this idea. On Tuesday July 29th Wesley records, I preached in Colne.'', where was Abraham? 'A fine day. W. at Barrowford in fornoon. After at Colne. Cunliffe paid me. Was with Oates Sagar at T B � hour. At home by � past 10.
Did Abraham know John Wesley? Almost certainly. John Wesley stayed with the Sagars at Southfield when he preached at Colne, and the Sagar family and the Hargreaves family were on friendly terms. Furthermore it would be quite out of character for John Wesley not to know the leaders of the various Methodist communities.
After John Wesley's death the church he founded split away from the Church of England, and his followers had to decide which they would support. There is no doubt in Abrahams choice. In 1800 he gave �100, a large sum in those days, towards the building of Higherford Wesleyan Chapel.
When he died in 1804 Abraham, like his father before him, was buried in Colne Parish Church. This probably was because his executors found it convenient. They had the right to bury him there and grave space was valuable. Abrahams last wishes could not be consulted. He died of palsy fits", i.e. of a series of strokes, and for the last two years of his life was, in the harsh manner of the early 19th Century, certified lunatic", though this probably means that he was totally paralysed.
It may be significant that there is no evidence of his wife being buried inside or outside Colne Parish Church. She is not mentioned in Colne Parish Registers. She was mentioned in Abrahams will, dated 1799, but not in the codicil dated 1801, nor in any later Hargreaves will. It is to be assumed, therefore, that Margaret died sometime between 1799 and 1801 when Abraham was still in a position to make decisions on funeral arrangements and that he decided on a nonconformist burial.
Abraham went to Church when he was on holiday in Blackpool and took advantage of a weekend business trip to Manchester to go on the Sunday to the Methodist chapel. (Sunday 8th November. A showery cold day set off for Manchester. Dined at Rochdale. After to Man by 6 Clock and went to Methodist meeting.")
The chapel Abraham frequented has been demolished in living memory. It was built in 1777 largely through the efforts of William Sagar of Southfield. It was opened by Wesley in June. Finished in a hurry, it could not stand the strain. The left gallery collapsed under the weight of people and almost 200 people were injured. Not surprisingly, even two years later, Wesley recorded that the people were in such a panic that few durst go into the left hand gallery." The chapel later had to be strengthened by having a house built at the side to hold it up.
One interesting thing about the diary is the lack of any celebration of religious festivals. There is no mention of Easter or Whitsuntide, and on December 25th, a Saturday, the mill continued spinning until noon. Abraham afterwards had his dinner at Bracewells and stayed until 10 at night, but there is no mention of fellow guests, or his wife going with him and he invariably recorded his wifes presence and the guests when he went to a party. The only hint of present giving comes on the first day of the diary. He met his father and was "told off" after which he hastily sent Richard Brotherton to Laund with a goose and wheat, obviously the New Year's present he had forgotten. It was not that Abraham was above such frivolities; he recorded three Colne Fairs (March, May and Michaelmas) and two local Rush bearings (Newchurch and Cross Gates). Obviously the great Christian festivals were not a matter of concern in the late 18th Century.
THE BRINDLE TRAGEDY.
An echo of an 18th Century tragedy comes to us through the pages of the diary. Thomas and Betty Brindle were close friends of Abraham and Margaret Hargreaves. They seem to have been around the same age, possibly even younger; their daughter Polly was 8 in 1784. When we first meet them Abraham is having his dinner with them on a Sunday between the Anglican service and the Methodist meeting. Then, very shortly after Abraham has reported that Polly is staying at Heirs House, comes the bald announcement Tuesday 13th January "Thomas Brindle died at 6 oclock Evening The following Sunday is one of the few times that Abraham did not record the church service and the Methodist meeting. Instead he went to Thomas funeral. He must have been a popular man; upwards of 80 people were present.
Thereafter the diary records the efforts of Abraham and his wife to comfort their stricken friend. Punctuated by the remark B B badly". She stayed whole days at Heir's House, often she was there for tea and often Margaret Hargreaves went to tea with her. Abrahams comfort took a practical turn. He handled the disposal of her husband's goods; killed her pig and generally dealt with the things that a widow would find difficult. Fortunately she does not seem to have been left destitute. At the back of the diary are some accounts of bills that Abraham paid and received. Betty figures with substantial sums in both. After a brief spell in February, when he ate his Sunday dinner elsewhere, Abraham resumed in March spending his Sunday lunchtime with Betty. She obviously moved house; there is a reference to her taking a house which belonged to Margaret Hargreaves and in September Abraham began taking his Sunday dinner with Jude Hargreaves, the innkeeper at Colne Hall.
Perhaps it was to comfort Betty that Abraham and his wife took their trip to Blackpool in July. The ladies went together obviously in a coach. (Polly did not go. She was staying, perhaps with grandparents at Slaidburn). Abraham, who was on a commercial tour, joined them later.
All the comfort offered was obviously of no avail. The Colne Church register records that Mrs Elizabeth Brindle died in 1788, four years after her husband. Polly would be twelve. Presumably she lived to grow up because there is no record of her death. One thing is certain, she was neither friendless nor destitute. She would not, like an orphan lower down the social scale, be sent to the poorhouse until she could be apprenticed as a servant.
ABRAHAMS LOVE AFFAIR.
So far everything recorded of Abraham has been good. Now comes the puzzling part. A devout churchgoer and an ardent Methodist - with a mistress? The lady figures in the diary as "M". Abraham paid her frequent visits; 8 in January; 11 in February; 9 in March; 8 in April; 9 in May; 12 in June, 10 in July (he was at Blackpool with his wife for part of this month); 8 in August (she was away for much of the month); 5 in September; 3 in October (he was travelling extensively for the firm); 3 in November; 1 visit on December 24th. The affair was obviously fading out at the end of the year.
The affair had its hilarious moments but not for the Hargreaves family. The lady lived in Colne, probably near the market place, since he could make use of his numerous shopping errands. She was probably a widow. On twelve occasions he stayed all night. This could hardly have been tolerated by a husband, and a spinster would probably not have had a house of her own. Also in the house was Ellen whose movements had to be taken into consideration by the lovers; this is more likely to have been a daughter than a maid. M also paid frequent visits to her father at "By", though Abraham unfortunately fails to make clear whether this was "Burnley" or "Bradley". Apart from the joys of Abrahams company the lady does not seem to have got much out of it. The accounts at the back of the diary indicate that he lent her two guineas on September 2nd which implies that he expected to be paid back. On July 10th he sent her a basket before calling on her but by this time he was pretty sure that he had a rival and the meeting was not a success.
There are indications that his wife did not like it. He had No leave to go out" on February 17th. There are also grounds for believing that the lady was not faithful to him. He refers darkly to the Dans master" on February 26th. She obviously won him round again because this episode was followed by two all night sessions. By March 5th he is threatening to go elsewhere because he is tired of M On the 21st M is afraid of public opinion. Did not see her at meeting. When I came back she told me people said she was badly because my wife was bitter. Wanted me not to stay.''
In April Nemesis for once caught up with Abraham. After a week in which he has twice spent all night with M, he has occasion to visit his parents on the 15th. Went to Laund to see Mrs (his mother). Neither of them asked me to my dinner. Mrs Hargreaves senior obviously know her sons weaknesses. Abraham loved his dinner. He recorded meticulously where he had it and his dinnertime was noon. Standing about awkwardly, hungry and thirsty, would certainly cut Casanova down to size.
This episode seems to have quietened Abraham for a time. He did not go near the lady for 6 days, and when he did recorded virtuously his early return home. Next came a visit from which he returned at 4 a.m. Perhaps this cooled his ardour; the next chance he had to see the lady he did not bother to go.
There were 9 fairly well scattered visits in May, with an announcement on the 31st that they had differed Wrath perhaps made him incoherent because the passage is far from clear but its meaning emerges distinctly. Perhaps for some reason connected with John Hanson he has been called all names" and ends dramatically "Farewell".
M got him back on June 2nd and he visited her on the next two days. On June 5th he did not go. "Shod have gone M: did not, she wanted me to stay two nights away." He made up for his forced abstinence by staying all night on June 6th and again on June 10th. The flames of true love were flickering, however and by June 14th he was "thinking to make a final end, but settled other ways.
Then came June 18th and discovery of the ladys infidelity. "Slipt to M. Catched Hanson. She called to speak for me to come at nit. Ellen away. Told me she had or might have plenty beside me. Friendly relations were resumed on the 20th (at nit M; home by � one") and on the 22nd (M � 10 std till 3) and on the 24th but on the 26th he found that he had another rival ( To Colne for Hilson money etc., after M; slipt by in house Oats Sager etc) On the 28th he tried to see M but failed. He made up for this by staying all night on the 30th.
On July 1st, possibly uplifted by attendance at a vestry meeting he made a sort of an end with M. On the 5th, however, visiting Colne to buy rakes he "std M afternoon. He visited her again on the 9th. On the 10th he sent her a basket, but when he called at night Hanson called her up too. Differed with M about it." He saw her again on the 11th, the 12th, the 13th, the 16th, but on the 19th they differed about Hanson. Cried etc." He hardened his heart.
He should have gone to see her on the 20th but virtuously stayed away. At this point he took his wife to Blackpool. He went to see M immediately he got back. He saw her on the 30th and the 31st and five nights running the next week. At this point there was more family interference. "Saturday August 7th. Uncles and Aunt had words with me. I offered to give up etc.'' What he offered to give up is not quite clear, it certainly was not the lady. He went to see her on the 9th and 10th and again on the 13th. Then follows a lull because M has gone away. Perhaps she was tactfully fading the affair out. The whole Hargreaves clan in full disapproval would be a daunting spectacle and Hanson may have been more attractive (or unmarried). Abraham, should have seen M on the night of September 10th but they differed. He saw her during the afternoon of the 11th and the early evening of the 12th but Hanson was with her when he called on the 15th. Significantly he recorded on the 16th Not with M. He called after eight days absence on the 14th but stayed little. There was then a five days absence until the 29th.
Abrahams three visits in October are recorded without comment, but on the 17th he had an unusual experience. His wife told him off for coming home late. (Differed night about not coming home etc.) There were three visits in November, with M making a visit to her father in the middle of the month. He then went an entire month without seeing her. The last recorded visit, a short one, was on December 24th. The weather must have made illicit love making more difficult in winter months but presumably conditions were no worse in January and February than in November and December. The logical conclusion for the tapering off of visits is that Abrahams ardour was waning.
What did Margaret Hargreaves think about it? Like a wise woman she seems to have ignored it, apart from two moments of exasperation. She had, of course, gone through it all at least once before in 1779 and probably more often. Had it not been for the religion of the family, the presence of a mistress would be regarded as an 18th century commonplace, but Methodists did not have mistresses, even in the 18th Century. Margaret after all, was the woman in possession. She was the wife, the mistress of the establishment and she mattered a great deal to Abraham. He chronicled her visits, her visitors, her tea parties as carefully as he did his own activities. The diary never actually names her; she is always "my wife", a part of himself rather than a separate individual. It is noticeable that on the one occasion when she did put her foot down No lieve to go out tonight, Abraham stayed in.
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